|
|
Program Współpracy Międzynarodowej Konferencja
|
|
The Eastern Dimension of the European Union. The Polish View - speech by Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz, Polish Minister of Foreign AffairsInternational Conference "The EU Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy", Warsaw, February 20th, 2003 Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Welcome to this week's conference, convened at the joint initiative of the Batory Foundation and the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. And let me here salute the Foundation and its President Mr. Aleksander Smolar, for their immense effort made in preparing this conference. Ladies and Gentlemen, As we meet, truly fundamental changes taking place on the international scene, including in Central and Eastern Europe. The NATO and the European Union enlargements are under way. When all new and prospective members have been embraced by the two organisations, the infamous post-war division of Europe will become a distant memory, a mere footnote in the history books, and our continent will be more prosperous and more secure place to live. I do hope that the conference, which has attracted such an excellent and distinguished audience, will foster positive thinking and provide a strong impetus to initiate dialogue with our Eastern neighbours in the wake of enlargement. As regards enlargement, the timing of the conference is perfect, too. The accession negotiations have been brought to a successful conclusion. The finishing touches are being given to the Accession Treaty. Poland and other candidate states are getting ready first for the observer status, and then for full membership of the EU. Poland´s foreign and security policy has for several years now been in line with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU and we shall soon be directly participating in shaping the Union´s external policies. We look forward to assuming this new responsibility which will certainly provide us with new opportunities. Our contribution to the discussion on the future of the EU which has been conducted within the framework of the Convention testifies to this commitment. Poland attaches particular importance to relations with neighbouring countries. While getting ready for EU membership, Poland has spared no effort in ensuring that no new division lines emerge along our Eastern borders which, as we know, are soon to become the Eastern borders of the enlarged Union. My distinguished predecessor, Professor Bronisław Geremek, had precisely this in mind when he called for a creation of an Eastern Dimension of the EU in 1998 in his speech inaugurating Poland´s accession negotiations. That is also why Poland welcomed the discussion launched within the EU a year ago on the British and Swedish initiative, followed by contributions of the Secretary General and High Representative for CFSP Javier Solana, and Commissioner Chris Patten. I was pleased when the EU encouraged candidate states to make similar contributions of their own. Almost two months ago I put forward the Polish proposals on the future relations of the enlarged EU with its Eastern neighbours to my colleagues in the EU, in the candidate countries, and in Russia, Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus. I believe that most of you, Ladies and Gentlemen, have by now become familiarised with the Polish non-paper. Let me only briefly outline that proposal. There are some copies of the Polish non-paper available in the lobby for anyone who has not yet had the opportunity to read it. Objectives Europe does not end at the EU´s Eastern borders, nor will it end there after enlargement. Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova are deeply rooted in Europe — with their culture, history, tradition and science. Over the last few years they all, except Belarus, have established intense contacts with the EU in the political, economic and social terms. Nevertheless, their relations still do not meet expectations of both sides for the transformation process in Eastern European countries is far from being over. There are several arguments in favour of a more active Eastern policy of the EU. The stabilising role of the EU is not confined to the member states, it extends also to the Union's neighbourhood. This is due to political dialogue based on common values, CFSP, economic co-operation, assistance and people to people contacts. Moreover, co-operation with Eastern European states driven by common interests and values, is mutually beneficial. The European Union and the Transatlantic community need Eastern European allies to combat common threats like terrorism, proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction and organised crime. The EU and Eastern European economies, which are to a great extent complementary, need each other — modernising industries in Eastern Europe need EU investments, technologies and know how, while the growing Eastern European market attracts European companies. Therefore the forthcoming enlargement, which will result in the EU having common borders with the Eastern European states, shall provide enhancement of co-operation with Eastern neighbours. It should enable us to seize the existing opportunities and create new ones by accelerating transformation in these countries. Eastern Dimension of the EU The countries of Eastern Europe face a lot of similar problems and challenges due to their common historical experience in the 20th century. Moreover their economies are still dependent on each other and strong political connections exist between them. Therefore it seems reasonable for the EU to have a coherent, comprehensive framework of its Eastern Policy. It should be flexible enough to enable individual development of relations with each of the countries concerned without prejudicing their final formula. Poland suggests that this framework should constitute the Eastern Dimension of the EU. It should allow for co-ordination and synergy of the activities of the EU and other regional as well as international structures and organisations, particularly assistance projects. The Central European Initiative, in which Poland holds presidency this year, could contribute to the development of the Eastern Dimension of the EU. We hope to discuss it next month with partners at the European Commission and with the EU Presidency. Last, but not least, the Eastern Dimension formula would facilitate greater involvement of international financial institutions and private capital in assistance projects. The Eastern Dimension would be complementary to the Northern Dimension of the EU. I believe that it can use the experience of the Northern Dimension as well as other policies of the EU towards adjacent regions. The Eastern Dimension of the EU should have a strong non-governmental pillar and enable using the expertise of NGOs and the unique instruments they have at their disposal. We highly appreciate the role of Polish NGOs, including our host, the Batory Foundation. They have been involved in various assistance projects in Eastern Europe. Let me also use this opportunity to express my thanks to the NGOs for their co-operation and contribution to our non paper. The mid term objective of the EU Eastern Dimension could be the establishment of a European space of political and economic co-operation within the area of Wider Europe. Relations with the countries concerned should be individually shaped according to their readiness, progress in transformation process and the will to have closer co-operation with the EU. Future relations The new concept of the Union´s relations with its Eastern neighbours should not prejudice their final formula. The situation in Eastern European states is still evolving. The expectations of those countries regarding their relations with the EU are also changing. This is clearly visible in the discussions between the EU and Russia on the concept of the Common European Economic Space, as well as in the significant change of approach towards the EU in the Ukrainian and Moldovan foreign policies over the last 2 years. For Ukraine and Moldova which aspire to the European structures, a prospect of future membership can provide necessary incentives for the political elites and for the societies to carry out further reforms. A prospect, not a promise of EU membership, should be conditional on reforms and meeting strict criteria. Such a prospect should also be open for Belarus, provided it initiates democratic reforms. Poland will advocate the further strengthening the EU's strategic partnership with Russia, which does not aspire to the membership of the Union. The evolving European space of political and economic co-operation should comprise a wide scope of collaboration with Eastern neighbours. Political dialogue should be enhanced. It should be comprehensive and focus on issues of interest as well as concern for both sides, including human and minority rights, democratic reforms, resolution of regional tensions and conflicts in accordance with international standards. It should also cover fighting terrorism, trans-national crime, non proliferation and other global problems. Another area to be explored is the EU co-operation with third countries in the field of ESDP, including possible contribution of Eastern European states to EU missions Over the last few years the co-operation in justice and home affairs within the EU as well as with third countries has greatly expanded. Particularly after September 11th, 2001 security ranks high in EU priorities and its external relations. As a result of the EU enlargement, the importance of co-operation in justice and home affairs with the Union´s Eastern neighbours will increase even further due to the common border. There are several common problems, especially terrorism, organised crime, money laundering, illegal immigration and corruption. They can be tackled more effectively if the EU and its Eastern neighbours join efforts and if the EU provides Eastern European states with assistance. This concerns a variety of areas from joining as well as observing international agreements, adopting and enforcing relevant internal laws, establishing effective border control regimes with third countries, to fighting corruption and strengthening judicial capacity. However, it would be a mistake to perceive the common EU borders with Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova as a factor posing a threat to the Union´s internal security. Poland has committed herself to meeting the Schengen standards. A surge in international criminal activity is a side-effect of globalisation on the one hand and of transformations on the other, therefore it is our common interest to co-operate and counter it. If we succeed, and if Eastern European states meet appropriate standards for example of border and immigration controls as well as travel documents, the EU might consider some flexibility in the visa regime. It would be helpful for the local communities in the border regions if a solution could be found, in conformity with the Schengen acquis, making possible local traffic in border areas. If abolishing divisions in Europe is to become a reality, the EU co-operation with Eastern European states should have strong social and human dimensions. Rapprochement between the EU and its Eastern neighbours cannot be achieved only by high level political decisions, without an extensive involvement of the public. It is sometimes much more difficult to achieve mutual understanding and respect between societies or nations than between their leaders. In the process of Poland's accession to the EU we have had to face a lot of prejudice, therefore we are perhaps more aware of sensitivities in mutual perception of Eastern and Western Europe. Additionally, the problems people in Eastern Europe have to cope with in the transformation processes are probably more familiar to us, due to our recent experience in this respect. Therefore we believe that the social and human dimension of the EU Eastern Policy needs strengthening. It should aim at enhancing people-to-people and cultural contacts, access to knowledge and information, and know-how sharing. The fact that I mention economic co-operation at the end of my presentation does not mean that I find it the least important. I fully agree with my Swedish colleagues, as well as with Mr Patten and Mr Solana that trade and investment, development of private sector and economic growth are the major factors of the transformation process in Eastern Europe. They facilitate the modernisation and necessary restructuring of the economy, including the labour market. Thus economic co-operation should be one of the EU priorities as both sides can benefit from it. Energy co-operation is of particular importance for Europe, seeking stable and reliable energy supplies. Other obvious areas are the infrastructure, environment protection and space technologies. Economic co-operation of the EU with Eastern European states should involve substantial assistance in improving the regulatory and administrative framework for enterprises, while meeting WTO membership criteria. Market economy status, for example in the case of Ukraine, would allow its exporters to be treated fairly. After the accession of Ukraine, Russia and Belarus to WTO, free trade should be established gradually with free trade agreements facilitating harmonisation of business law in Eastern European states with the acquis communautaire. As a further stage, integration in some other sectors of the single market could be explored. Assistance Assistance has proved to be an effective instrument of the Union's external policy, and its relations with Eastern Europe. Respective programmes should be adjusted to the changing needs and priorities. The TACIS programmes have provided Eastern European states with valuable assistance. Presently they cover a vast area of countries of Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central Asia, which have diversified needs. In our opinion the ongoing review of EU Eastern Policy should be used for constructive evaluation of the present assistance programmes, taking into account the opinion of the countries concerned, and making necessary adjustments. Assistance should concentrate on the priority areas that are essential for further reform process, for example democratic reforms, development of civic society including local governments, improvement of regulatory framework and administrative capacity as well as establishment of civilian control over the armed forces. Much effort should be taken to help Eastern European countries cope with the problems that pose threat to reforms and society, such as corruption and crime. Assistance instruments should be tailored to the stage of development of co-operation and the progress in the reform process. Increase in assistance would obviously be welcome, though particularly after Copenhagen we are aware how difficult it can be to discuss finances within the EU. Effective use of the available resources should be a priority. This requires improved access to information and advice as well as simplification of procedures. In its non paper Poland has proposed several important measures. Let me start from the most evident, which results from our experience — better co-ordination and synergy of the INTERREG and TACIS CBC programmes. A significant part of the EU assistance is provided by non governmental organisations. They should concentrate on their core activities, avoiding excessive bureaucratic work and cumbersome procedures. There are examples of solutions proving how public money can be efficiently used, which could in my opinion be introduced in the EU assistance programmes for Eastern European states, ensuring necessary flexibility. This was the reason behind our proposals to establish the European Democracy Fund, or the European Freedom Fund and the European Peace Corps. Investment in human capital always pays off. Europe should not hesitate to extend this kind of assistance to its Eastern neighbours. I have proposed launching a special scholarship programmes for Eastern Europe — the European Scholarship Programme and the European Internship Programme for university graduates, young professionals and people with professional experience wishing to acquire new skills. These programmes would enable them to gain experience in companies and institutions in the EU countries and later use it in their home countries. Other initiatives, like supporting European chairs or European programmes at Eastern European universities as well as joint projects carried out with EU universities would also make a difference. If administrative capacity is the main obstacle for reforms in Eastern Europe, let us strengthen assistance programmes in institution building, through study visits, twinning projects and advice on specific reforms. If properly tailored, such assistance should bring substantial effects while being cost-effective. We should share with our Eastern neighbours the experience concerning local government, its role and effective management at the local community level, so that they gain necessary know how and incentives to pursue reforms. Small and medium sized enterprises are a major driving force of economic development and further reforms in Eastern European states. They need assistance, even more than the their counterparts in the EU. They usually lack basic information, know how, capital, management and marketing skills. Some form of business incubators or the European Investment Fund for Eastern Europe would help, not only facilitating access to a start-up capital, but also offering necessary advice, information and assistance. Conclusions In conclusion, I would like to emphasise the great role of access to information for real rapprochement of the Union with its Eastern neighbours. People are often indifferent or scared because they lack knowledge. Fears exist both in the EU and in Eastern European. In the latter they concern border traffic, access to markets and risk of isolation. There is certainly a need for a more vigorous promotion of the European Union. More light needs to be cast on the Union's forthcoming enlargement and opportunities it will furnish, as well as on benefits that can be drawn from closer co-operation with the EU. As a result of their transformations and preparations for EU membership candidate states, including Poland, have developed unique know-how and experience that can be useful for our Eastern neighbours in their transformation process. Poland is ready to share her experience with interested Eastern European countries. Our track-record of co-operation with Ukraine is a case in point. I am confident the EU could incorporate our experience into its own assistance programmes. I would like to conclude by referring to the concept of an EU Eastern dimension action plan. Our own experience in dealing with the EU has proved that without a time-table, or a road map, progress in co-operation can be much slower and more difficult to carry forward. A clearly designed road map would be of great help. It should set dates and highlighting both the conditions that have to be met for a project to move on the next stage, and benefits its progress is expected to deliver. In getting ready for co-operation with the East, the EU would be well advised to draw up such a road map in close dialogue with its Eastern neighbours. It is action not words that can bring together the East and the West of Europe. I very much hope that we can look forward to substantial progress in this area. I am also convinced that today's conference will generate many good ideas to that effort. Thank you for your attention. Copyright © Fundacja Batorego |
||